Black lives matter. Absolutely. People of color are
disproportionately represented at all phases of the criminal justice system: interactions
with law enforcement, arrests, jail, prison, probation and parole. Recognizing
that truth ought to lead us to make changes that will result in fair,
proportional treatment.
We’ve known that truth for decades and yet here we are, mourning
another death of another black man at the hands of police.
So why have we not seen reforms?
The simplistic response is to blame racism but racism alone doesn’t make it possible for cops to kill a man in broad daylight, with the death recorded and seen around the world, and not face consequences.
Racism with
power is the explanation.
Without the power to act with impunity, law enforcement
officers would be much less likely to treat people with such aggression and
hostility. The racists we encounter in our daily lives--neighbors, co-workers, family--are extremely unlikely to kill someone just because of skin color. Racism can show itself in other damaging ways but most racists cannot kill without being held accountable.
Law enforcement officers can. What gives them that power? The doctrine of qualified immunity, for one.
An
article in The Appeal explains:
That doctrine has become one of the chief ways in which law enforcement avoids accountability for misconduct and…even proven constitutional violations. Ordinary people—whether they’re doctors, lawyers, or construction workers—are expected to follow the law. If they violate someone else’s legal rights, they can be sued and required to pay for the injuries they’ve caused.
Under the doctrine of qualified immunity, public officials are held to a much lower standard. They can be held accountable only insofar as they violate rights that are “clearly established” in light of existing case law. This standard shields law enforcement, in particular, from innumerable constitutional violations each year.
Qualified immunity permits law enforcement and other government officials to violate people’s constitutional rights with virtual impunity. Today, we hear about police shooting after police shooting where officers are rarely if ever held accountable by the criminal legal system, either because prosecutors decline to charge, because grand juries decline to indict, or because juries decline to convict.
All three will receive back pay since they were fired, minus any income they may have earned in that time, in den Bosch said. Those amounts have not been calculated yet. McClarty’s payment will have 20 days — the length of the suspension period imposed by the arbitrators — taken out of his back pay.In a statement, Schmaderer said it is time to move forward.“Omaha police officers have a very difficult job and my focus is on keeping my officers safe in the coronavirus environment while simultaneously protecting the city,” he said.Tony Conner, the president of the police union, said the process was fair and that “every American citizen has the right to due process, including any police officer.”
Among the many outrages in the death of George Floyd is this one: Derek Chauvin, the police officer who killed Floyd, had been the subject of at least 17 misconduct complaints and yet he remained an armed member of the Minneapolis Police Department. How does that happen? Part of the answer is the collective bargaining agreement reached between the police department and Chauvin’s union.Like other such police agreements, the one in Minneapolis gives cops extraordinary protection from discipline for violent conduct. It mandates a 48-hour waiting period before any officer accused of such conduct can be interviewed, a common delay and a luxury not afforded even to criminal suspects and one that allows officers time to develop a strategy to avoid accountability.Like many police contracts, including those in Baltimore, Chicago and Washington, D.C., the Minneapolis agreement also requires the expungement of police disciplinary records after a certain amount of time.
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